The country has always been tormented by regional rebellions. From the perpetrated by Islamic fundamentalist movements, even in Java (where in the district of Acheh, a Moslem state practically subsisted between 1948 and
1962), Sumatra and Celebes as we've seen but also Kalimantan, to those involving Christian groups as in the South Moluccas. Still in 1984 the
Movement for the Liberation of Papua erupted in attacks against the main cities of the territory, hoisting their flag in the capital opposite to the
Regional Parliament.

The power of Sukarno depended along the years of the preservation of the equilibrium between the army and the Communist Party (PKI). The period assisted to the crescent popularity of the communists due to the consistent protection moved by the President in face of the incursions of the militaries. he opposed to the prohibitions of congresses and editorials, banished political organizations patronized by the military to blacken the
PKI, placing some of their militants in political posts. Many analysts think that Sukarno was preparing the path for the rise of the communists to the power. Others say that his action intended to assure a the permanently threatened equilibrium

The coup of Suharto and the military. On the night of September 30,
1965, a group of subaltern officials based at Halim Air Base attempted a coup d'йtat to anticipate what they alleged to be the take-over of a pro-
Western council of generals. But by following morning the Strategic Reserve of the Army Forces (KOSTRAD), commanded by Suharto, had concluded a successful counter-attack. For specialist Benedict Anderson, of Cornell
University, it seems odd that Suharto, who would gather the reins of power into his hands, hadn't been aimed at by the "30th of September Movement" which assassinated six army generals (while a seventh, A. Nasution, escaped).

With propaganda that implicated important nationalist and communist politicians in the first stroke and the estimulation of the widely spread resentment of the pro-Chinese PKI was object of among the Indonesian
Islamic groups, the militaries gradually assumed power. Suharto begun to maintain the already wasted and sickened Sukarno in a fictional presidency, as a symbol of national unity until by decree emptying his legal authority, in March 11, 1966. The next semester would be fatal for more than half a million Chinese and Indonesian besides an excess of 200 thousand political prisoners which altogether formed one of the greatest Communist parties of the World. The wave of hysteria was such that they were pointed out and oftenly even executed by their proper neighbor civilians in the villages.

Formation of East-Timorese political associations

During Portuguese dictatorship, civilians were prohibited to gather for political discussions. But since the 60's an educated elite with nationalist aspirations begun to reune clandistinely and vehicle some principles in catholic press. Three weeks after the democratic Revolution, formation of political associations was incentivated, in the process of decolonization. Immediatly UDT was founded, wanting to prolong Portugal's presence in view of a progressive autonomy. ASDT, future Fretilin, called for radical independence, while Apodeti, supported by Indonesia, for the integration of East Timor in the neighbour power.

Although the changes acrossing the metropolis were of little immediate effect in the rural society, they had profound impact among the elites of
East Timor, particularly in the administrator sectors, centered in the cities and specially in Dili They polarized the opposition to certain aspects of the Portuguese rule.

Since the 60s, an educated elite with nationalist aspirations began to emerge, often product of the catholic schools and particularly from the seminaries of Dare (outside Dili) and S. Jose in the colony of Macao.
Discussions involved small groups of students and administrators that gathered clandestinely in the capital. The main escapes of their ideas were catholic publications of reduced circulation like Seara, which was closed down by the political police PIDE.

The conclusions reached are considered general and vagrant. Subjects like traditional marriage and the educational system were debated but not much was proposed as a global critic and alternatives.

Anyhow, this collective of student-administrators and higher level bureaucrats, as well as important rural proprietors would constitute the basis of the two main political parties: UDT and ASDT/Fretilin.

Three weeks after the Revolution 25th of April, the Governor of East
Timor created the Commission for the Autodetermination which's intentions were to bring out to legality all the incipient political associations.

The parties

UDT (Timor Democratic Union). This became the first party, was also the most popular for some months. The initial declaration, of May 11th, made apology of democratic principles, distribution of revenues and, the fulcral aspect, a progressive autonomy materialized with an increasing participation of the Timorese but always in the light of the Portuguese flag, to culminate with the integration of East Timor in a Portuguese language community. The political platform as conceived by first president
Mбrio Carrascalгo was to hold Portugal's presence as far as possible without putting aside the option for independence. But although having presented a cohesive front at start, the course of events in the months followed would evidence different susceptibilities towards a same problem.

Firmly based on two groups, the higher positioned administrator elite and the larger proprietors of coffee plantations. UDT accounted still the favours of many suco liurais, although the majority of these belonged to the circle of the imposed chiefs, in an ancient practice of the colonial government to substitute the legitimate when less malleable... They used their influence to gain support for the party in the countryside managing strong implantation in areas like Liquie, Maubara, Maubisse, Ainaro,
Manatuto, Laclubar.

While a group of conservatives were granted support by traditional chiefs and administrators -- whose positions and privileges under
Portuguese rule made them emphasize a continuation with the metropolis --, those with commercial preoccupations of economical diversification beyond the Portuguese orbit focused on the advantages of independence.

Not until 27 of July did the MFA in Lisbon determine the new orientation in relation with the colonial territories. By it, the Timorese were officially and for the first time confronted with the possibility of independence.

In a message to the Portuguese President, UDT still inquired about the viability of federation, but no further elucidation was obtained. Few days later, UDT published the provisional statutes where preconized autodetermination oriented to federation with Portugal, with an intermediate phase for obtention of independence, and rejecting integration in any potential foreign country. It is probable that the discouragement of a definite bind with Portugal had also to do with the winds of independence that blew from the ancient metropolis. Spreading throughout the African colonies, in East Timor it influenced a crescent opposing party of independist militancy that defied UDT's hesitations: ASDT.

Amongst UDT founders pontificated the mentioned Mario Carrascalгo, proprietor of coffee plantations, director of the Agriculture Services, and also former leader of caetanist party ANP (Popular National Association), the only one allowed. Ex-seminarist Lopes da Cruz was too a ANP member and director of Timor's journal, A Voz de Timor, patronized by the government.
He and intellectual Domingos de Oliveira were custom officials. Cesar
Mouzinho was Mayor of Dili.

ASDT/Fretilin (Revolutionary Front of Independent East Timor). The plan of ASDT was acknowledged in the proper day of it's foundation, 20th of
May. Adopting the doctrines of socialism and democracy it called upfront for a gradual independence preceded of administrator, economical, social and political reforms. Three to eight years was the period of transition considered necessary. And from the beginning with the participation of the
Timorese in the administration.

In the majority, ASDT was constituted with recent recruited members of the urbane elites, mainly those living in Dнli, which maintained the link to the rural areas of where they came from. Some were even descendants of liurai families.

With an average age under 30, the elder Xavier do Amaral, of 37, became ASDT's chairman. The leaders were commited to nationalism and reaffirmation of the Timorese culture, agreed on the priority of agricultural development, on alphabetization and extensive health programmes. But furthermore, the political perspectives deferred. The dominating tendency between the founders of ASDT was clearly social- democratic, represented by men like journalist Ramos-Horta, administrator
Alarico Fernandes, Justino Mota and former professor Xavier do Amaral.
Ramos-Horta says that for him and the majority of his colleagues it represented social justice, equitative distribution of the country's wealth, a mixed economy and a parliamentary system with extended democratic liberties. As to what extent did they have a model, sociologist John G.
Taylor mentions the social-democracy of the 60 and 70's in Austria and
Scandinavia. Anyway it wasn't experimented, as the urgency to gain internal and foreign support seems to have kept on depriving the opportunity.

Still during the ASDT period, a secondary current leaded by ancient sergeant and administrator, also ex-seminarist, Nicolau Lobato, “combined a fervent anticolonial nationalism with notions of economical and political development self-reliance based upon the experiences of Angola and
Mozambique”. His ideas would begin to prevail after the transformation of
ASDT into FRETILIN.

Apodeti (Timorese Popular Democratic Association). In 25 of May a third party appeared under the designation of Association for the
Integration of Timor in Indonesia. Renamed Apodeti, the manifesto of the party defended an integration with autonomy in the Republic of Indonesia in accordance to the International Law and principles such as the obligatory teaching of the Indonesian language (Indonesian Bahasa), free education and medical assistance, and the right to go on strike.

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